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| Joined: | Mon Nov 21st, 2005 |
| Location: | California USA |
| Posts: | 6399 |
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Pre-conference open.
Please consider deliberately deliberating upon the information offered and add to or subtract from the information offered.
Will we meet to sign documents for exclusive use by a few criminally powerful people so that those criminals can injure us more, or are we meeting to sign documents to declare our independence from those who demand that we sign documents for exclusive use by a few criminally powerful people who will use any advantage they can get from their targeted victims?
If you have no idea as to what that question means, and you have no interest in finding out if that question is a valuable question worthy of at least a few competitive answers, then in my opinion your help is as good as this:
http://www.nationalcenter.org/SamuelAdams1776.html
Quote________________
From the day on which an accommodation takes place between England and America, on any other terms than as independent States, I shall date the ruin of this country. a politic minister will study to lull us into security by granting us the full extent of our petitions. The warm sunshine of influence would melt down the virtue which the violence of the storm rendered more firm and unyielding. In a state of tranquillity, wealth, and luxury, our descendants would forget the arts of war and the noble activity and zeal which made their ancestors invincible. Every art of corruption would be employed to loosen the bond of union which renders our resistance formidable. When the spirit of liberty, which now animates our hearts and gives success to our arms, is extinct, our numbers will accelerate our ruin and render us easier victims to tyranny. Ye abandoned minions of an infatuated ministry, if peradventure any should yet remain among us, remember that a Warren and Montgomery are numbered among the dead. Contemplate the mangled bodies of your countrymen, and then say, What should be the reward of such sacrifices? Bid us and our posterity bow the knee, supplicate the friendship, and plow, and sow, and reap, to glut the avarice of the men who have let loose on us the dogs of war to riot in our blood and hunt us from the face of the earth? If ye love wealth better than liberty, the tranquillity of servitude than the animating contest of freedom--go from us in peace. We ask not your counsels or arms. Crouch down and lick the hands which feed you. May your chains sit lightly upon you, and may posterity forget that ye were our countrymen!
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There were, there is, and there will be people who say one thing so as to then have the criminal power to do the opposite thing.
I am here to help. That is a shinning example offered by criminals as they then set about to help themselves to whatever they can take from the targeted victims of their lies.
Rather than focus monopolistically, or only, on the accurate measure of the threat, and instead of combing through the paperwork that I do not even have in my possession, concerning the scheduled meeting to "constitute" California Counties, my effort now is to offer a competitive answer to the question tabled, and to offer an example of what is an Individual Declaration of Independence as I see it.
Back to the question (fenced in):
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Will we meet to sign documents for exclusive use by a few criminally powerful people so that those criminals can injure us more, or are we meeting to sign documents to declare our independence from those who demand that we sign documents for exclusive use by a few criminally powerful people who will use any advantage they can get from their targeted victims?
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The question can be reduced in word count (symbol count) down to a Stop or Go sign, for those who prefer to communicate with symbols like TL;DNR; but that would be an example of an answer to the question.
The question can be reduced and rewritten as a multiple choice question; but again that would be offering an answer to the question.
The question can be improved during deliberate deliberation among free people as free people deliberately decide to command their own power of will and apply their individual power toward our common defense; whereby the sentence is built up from many competitive viewpoints offering many competitive versions of the question, so as then to built up a multidimensional point of view that is not the same thing as "too many cooks spoil the brew."
My single, monopolistic, prone to error, dictatorial, limited, bound, fenced-in, low quality, and high cost viewpoint, offered as a wordy question in English, can be looked at from other angles of view, and other angles of view may be other added vantage points where other people can see things I do not see, other people can see faults in the sentences hidden from me, other people can see unnecessary redundancies, superfluous extravagance, errors, omissions, contradictions, other people can see viewpoints that are not viewable from my point of view, and as a two dimensional viewpoint becomes a three dimensional viewpoint the thing being viewed takes three dimensional shape of greater accuracy which is higher quality and the accurate viewpoint is less costly and again that adds to the higher quality.
Low quality:
++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++
Will we meet to sign documents for exclusive use by a few criminally powerful people so that those criminals can injure us more, or are we meeting to sign documents to declare our independence from those who demand that we sign documents for exclusive use by a few criminally powerful people who will use any advantage they can get from their targeted victims?
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The question tabled right now, right here, at this preconference CALL TO PENS is for the purpose of getting prepared in advance of the Conference Phone Call on Tuesday before the Meeting to sign documents on July 12th, and that question tabled right now is fenced in by my very limited and very error prone viewpoint; but at least it is offered, and it is offered in writing, and it is offered as a PUBLIC NOTICE.
All of you all are the PUBLIC as far as I am concerned. When I ran for congress I ran as an INDIVIDUAL, on my own dimes, my own two feet, my own words, my own offers of single-minded viewpoint; whereby it is wrong to torture, experiment on, cut off heads, and burn alive, pregnant mothers, infants, babies, toddlers, and other innocent fellow friends in Liberty.
So my viewpoint is tainted with moral conscience.
But my viewpoint is offered. My viewpoint is in writing. My viewpoint is PUBLIC NOTICE.
Before the Tuesday California Conference which is on the schedule before the signing (ceremony?) on July 12th, there is a Public Written Meeting Offered here and now, and at this meeting ONE individual offers ONE question in a fence:
++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++
Will we meet to sign documents for exclusive use by a few criminally powerful people so that those criminals can injure us more, or are we meeting to sign documents to declare our independence from those who demand that we sign documents for exclusive use by a few criminally powerful people who will use any advantage they can get from their targeted victims?
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And added to that fenced in tainted viewpoint tainted by the heavy load of moral conscience is an opening bid in writing as a document worth signing, in my single opinion, so it is singularly authorized by me, written by me, because I'm having a real hard time dealing with my taint of moral conscience applied to the so called documents I hear about, or I have seen, or I have signed in ignorance, or I have signed in apathy, or I have signed under duress, the same duress that is measurable as that heavy load of moral conscience.
I Joe Kelley declare as fact that there is absolutely no way that I have, can, or will give anyone my power to defend myself in time and place. If my power to defend myself is transferred in any way from me to anyone else that transfer is accomplished by criminal means, and I mean to find out precisely who those criminals are, in fact, in time, and in place. That is the least I can do as an individual bound by moral conscience.
That is it, that is all I have now; but I can sign something like that, and I can do so with honor, and I can do so with a clear conscience. From that point of my stand on principle I understand myself I can move to another possible step, baby step, from here in a time, and a place, where my fellows, as far as I can tell, are not helping me when my questions are ignored.
Now as to answer:
++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++
Will we meet to sign documents for exclusive use by a few criminally powerful people so that those criminals can injure us more, or are we meeting to sign documents to declare our independence from those who demand that we sign documents for exclusive use by a few criminally powerful people who will use any advantage they can get from their targeted victims?
+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++
As to answer for that question ignored by other people, not ignored by me, I can offer comments and possible answers that may be useful.
I will not sign documents that I think will be documents viewed by criminals as my consent to be their victims.
Well Joe, your signature is on your Drivers License, and our signature is on mortgage papers, and your signature is on many documents that are viewed by criminals as consent by you for you to be their victims, on, and on, and on, in a sea of deceit, a pool of lies, a stew of deception, a war between accurate accounting and falsehood known as moral conscience.
No.
No more.
I won't, it is past time, there will be no more of it.
I can sign the following (or something better):
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I Joe Kelley declare as fact that there is absolutely no way that I have, can, or will give anyone my power to defend myself in time and place. If my power to defend myself is transferred in any way from me to anyone else that transfer is accomplished by criminal means, and I mean to find out precisely who those criminals are, in fact, in time, and in place. That is the least I can do as an individual bound by moral conscience.
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I don't even have to sign it. I acknowledge it. Here is Public Notice. Who dares to claim otherwise? Those who will claim otherwise confess their guilty minds.
I can add to that:
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I Joe Kelley declare as fact that there is absolutely no way that I have, can, or will give anyone my power to defend myself in time and place. If my power to defend myself is transferred in any way from me to anyone else that transfer is accomplished by criminal means, and I mean to find out precisely who those criminals are, in fact, in time, and in place. That is the least I can do as an individual bound by moral conscience. I do not have to sign anything whereby something is self evident such as my power to defend myself existing precisely as it exists in time and place, and if I do sign anything, anywhere, anytime, I do so only as an offer of good will to other people as other people may demand from me evidence of my participation in their lives; at their request.
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I can add:
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I Joe Kelley declare as fact that there is absolutely no way that I have, can, or will give anyone my power to defend myself in time and place. If my power to defend myself is transferred in any way from me to anyone else that transfer is accomplished by criminal means, and I mean to find out precisely who those criminals are, in fact, in time, and in place. That is the least I can do as an individual bound by moral conscience. I do not have to sign anything whereby something is self evident such as my power to defend myself existing precisely as it exists in time and place, and if I do sign anything, anywhere, anytime, I do so only as an offer of good will to other people as other people may demand from me evidence of my participation in their lives; at their request. If anyone, anytime, any place, has any claim of authority over me, in any way, they can either agree to assemble a trial by jury for that purpose, or as far as I am concerned they have no claim of authority over me, and we are bound then by moral conscience to find agreement where agreement may be difficult for us to find on our own volition.
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I can adjust and add:
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I Joe Kelley declare as fact that there is absolutely no way that I have, can, or will give anyone my power to defend myself in time and place. If my power to defend myself is transferred in any way from me to anyone else that transfer is accomplished by criminal means, and I mean to find out precisely who those criminals are, in fact, in time, and in place.
That is the least I can do as an individual bound by moral conscience.
I do not have to sign anything whereby something is self evident such as my power to defend myself existing precisely as it exists in time and place, and if I do sign anything, anywhere, anytime, I do so only as an offer of good will to other people as other people may demand from me evidence of my participation in their lives; at their request.
If anyone, anytime, any place, has any claim of authority over me, in any way, they can either agree to assemble a trial by jury for that purpose, or as far as I am concerned they have no claim of authority over me, and we are bound then by moral conscience to find agreement where agreement may be difficult for us to find on our own volition.
If anyone, anytime, any place, removes power from me against my knowledge, against my will, they make war upon me, they are traitors to Liberty, they are traitors to moral conscience, they are criminals by their guilty minds that drive their criminal actions.
Let that be my notice, my declaration, my affirmation, my affidavit, of my acknowledgement of my moral duty as one of a kind.
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Additions:
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I Joe Kelley declare as fact that there is absolutely no way that I have, can, or will give anyone my power to defend myself in time and place. If my power to defend myself is transferred in any way from me to anyone else that transfer is accomplished by criminal means, and I mean to find out precisely who those criminals are, in fact, in time, and in place.
That is the least I can do as an individual bound by moral conscience.
I do not have to sign anything whereby something is self evident such as my power to defend myself existing precisely as it exists in time and place, and if I do sign anything, anywhere, anytime, I do so only as an offer of good will to other people as other people may demand from me evidence of my participation in their lives; at their request.
If anyone, anytime, any place, has any claim of authority over me, in any way, they can either agree to assemble a trial by jury for that purpose, or as far as I am concerned they have no claim of authority over me, and we are bound then by moral conscience to find agreement where agreement may be difficult for us to find on our own volition.
If anyone, anytime, any place, removes power from me against my knowledge, against my will, they make war upon me, they are traitors to Liberty, they are traitors to moral conscience, they are criminals by their guilty minds that drive their criminal actions.
Furthermore, the criminals among us must be defended against by us, as our duty to do so is self evidently clear to us, by our power of moral conscience. Failure to defend the innocent will result in the inevitable destruction of all innocence as everyone will then be criminals at that point.
It is my duty by my own self aware moral conscience to accurately discover who will defend the innocent, to find agreement among us, and to accurately discriminate our number from the number of criminals who are formed into extremely destructive organizations of criminals.
It is furthermore my duty as a moral living self aware life form to offer those criminals who are accurately identified as criminals a method by which those criminals can redeem themselves in time and place.
It is furthermore obvious to me that my own propensity for error alarms me to a point at which I must rely upon honest help from other people so as to afford me the opportunity to redeem myself in time and place.
Let that be my notice, my declaration, my affirmation, my affidavit, of my acknowledgement of my moral duty as one of a kind.
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At this point my propensity for error appears to me as a reality.